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墨書 Inktalez
Germany Hanover Manor
This is the third time this week that Justice Minister Gutnach has come to visit Field Marshal Hindenburg, and it is also Gutnach's first visit to the Field Marshal since President Albert was assassinated. Gutnach reminisces about his past interactions with Hindenburg's son as he engages in lively conversation with the Old Marshal.
However, today the Old Marshal unusually did not engage in small talk with him but instead discussed Germany's politics with Gutnach.
"What do you think about Germany's future?"
Gutnach was somewhat surprised, but as someone who could recite Mein Kampf from memory, it was not difficult for him to restate Hitler's ideology.
"Originally, it's like this."
Hindenburg It's not surprising. Many people have heard the charismatic and forceful speeches of this leader of the Nazi Party. It's very normal for Hindenburg to know about Hitler's ideas through others, and then he asked the most crucial question of this conversation.
"The glory of Germany must be restored, but the key is who will restore the glory of Germany? Your Nazi Party has the full name of The National Socialist German Workers' Party," Hindenburg paused for a moment and then continued.
"This makes me very worried, will you not let Juncker nobility and the bourgeoisie participate in the decision-making of country." If today were the founder of National Socialism Anton Drexler, he would unhesitatingly declare that the powerful Germany he wants to establish would not include Juncker nobility and the big bourgeoisie. However, for Gutnach, a worshipper of Hitler, Hitler's words are his agenda.
It must be said that this was also one of Hitler's clever strategies. He did not participate in the factional struggles within the National Socialist Party but positioned himself as an arbitrator, making both sides eager to win him over. This established his transcendent status.
Once Hitler completed the consolidation of power within the National Socialist Party, the party's ideology was also unified. There were no left or right factions; there was only Hitler's direction, and he himself became the path forward.
Gutnach answered without hesitation, "The strength of Germany relies on everyone, whether they are workers, farmers, or landowning capitalists. Everyone must strive for the strength of Germany. There will no longer be class conflicts in the future. Country will act as a mediator for social conflicts and will coordinate the conflicts of different classes." Hindenburg nodded.
"It seems I must meet that private again."
Berlin Country Social Democratic Party Headquarters
Strasser was comfortably lounging in the office chair with his legs crossed, feeling quite pleased with himself.
The effectiveness of this action was even greater than that of Hitler's Beer Hall Putsch: both were nationally supported actions, but while Hitler opposed the Treaty of Versailles and the weak government, Strasser opposed President Albert, who supported the Treaty of Versailles.
Moreover, politically, Strasser garnered more support from the public. Hitler's uprising was criticized by several Members of Parliament as an act of rebellion that undermined the sovereignty of the country. In contrast, President Albert, who was assassinated by Strasser, found himself isolated in Congress except for the Social Democratic Party. Although in 1925 the Social Democratic Party was the largest party in Congress, they did not hold an absolute majority. Faced with opposition from the Communist Party of Germany and the German People's Party, they were unable to pass a proposal to arrest and eliminate the political group responsible for the president's assassination.
Strasser himself did not even have to serve time in prison; the National Socialist Party did not send anyone to confess. Although Strasser was somewhat puzzled by how easily the Social Democratic Party let this matter slide, the rapid development of the National Socialist Party in Berlin made him dismiss those doubts entirely.
In Berlin, the National Socialist Party and the Communist Party have rapidly developed, replacing the Social Democratic Party as the first and second largest parties in the city. Strasser and the newly appointed Communist leader in Berlin, Ernst Thälmann, tacitly divided the territory that originally belonged to the Social Democratic Party. The brawls between the two parties have decreased, as everyone is busy expanding their influence, and their relationship has even become much more harmonious. Perhaps the only one injured among the two parties is Heinrich Laufenburg.
At that moment, Goebbels excitedly pushed open the door and walked in. "Leader, our newly drafted 25-point Party Constitution has been approved at the party congress," Goebbels said excitedly. "Now those unruly elements within the party have been completely won over by you. In Berlin, you are the undisputed figure of the National Socialist Party."
"Don't celebrate too early, Goebbels."
Although Strasser was pleased, he was well aware that he had only nominally won over the party's petty bourgeoisie; the only true supporters within the party were the working class.
"We need to offer more tangible benefits to show the petty bourgeoisie that following us is their way out; otherwise, they will eventually be lured away by the interests of the big bourgeoisie."
In fact, Strasser did not want to deal with these troublesome petty bourgeoisie, who were like weather vanes, swaying whichever way the wind blew. However, Germany, as a highly developed capitalist country, had the petty bourgeoisie occupying a dominant position; in large cities, basically anyone who was not extremely lazy or foolish was in a petit bourgeois phase. It was not until the end of World War I that Germany's economy suffered a severe blow, causing many petty bourgeois to lose their wealth and fall into the proletariat, which strengthened the power of the workers. Otherwise, the socialism movement would not have developed so significantly in Germany; every political party felt the need to add "socialism" to its name.
"Then, Leader, where should we show them the way out?" Goebbels asked respectfully.
After the assassination attempt on Albert, Goebbels increasingly admired Strasser's decisiveness and judgment; in his heart, the God who would save Germany seemed to take on a vague outline.
At that moment, Otto Strasser opened the door and walked in.
"Brother, General Ludendorff has arrived. He wants to see you."
"Look, isn't this our way out?" Strasser said with a smile.
Ludendorff was in the room receiving guests, drinking tea. He felt somewhat restless and downed the cup of tea from the table in one gulp.
Meanwhile, Strasser pushed the door open and walked in.
"Oh, dear General Ludendorff, it is such an honor to have you here. What brings you my way?"
Strasser warmly shook hands with the old general.
"It is the wind from Hannover."
What does that mean? Strasser thought. Could it be that Hindenburg and Ludendorff have come to an agreement? Would they choose me or Hitler?
Ludendorff did not pay attention to what Strasser was thinking; instead, he began to tell Strasser stories from his past.
"The story begins in 1914... I have always regarded Hindenburg as my greatest rival. Although we fought side by side, I was always in his shadow as his subordinate, and people would refer to me as 'oh, that subordinate of Hindenburg,' which infuriated me. However, I must admit that Hindenburg is indeed a military genius. My desire to surpass him was not fulfilled during World War I. So now, I must make up for my regrets." Ludendorff took a deep breath.
"Perhaps my military achievements do not compare to Hindenburg's, but I don't believe my vision is any less."
"Relax, you already chose me, didn't you? That was your wisest decision," Strasser said with a mix of amusement and exasperation.
"Choosing is not enough." The stubborn general stared into Strasser's eyes as he spoke.
"I not only placed a bet, but I also want to raise the stakes. German soldiers do not like to probe before a battle begins; they prefer to strike down their opponents in one blow." Strasser thought about the performance of the German army during World War II and nodded. "Indeed."
"My strides are long, lieutenant, so don't hold me back."
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